The Price of Loyalty
The Price of Loyalty
Follow us:WhatsappFacebookTwitterTelegram.cls-1{fill:#4d4d4d;}.cls-2{fill:#fff;}Google NewsNatwar Singh cuts a sorry figure these days. While he is convinced that the enquiry chaired by Justice Pathak will absolve him of any mala fide dealings alleged in the Volcker report, in the meantime he is fated to endure an agonizing wait. Out of grace and favour with the Congress high command and shunned by his party, it is a supremely inglorious twist to what by any standards has been a very successful career.

After more than three decades of service to the cause of Indian diplomacy and equal loyalty to the Congress party, the public defenestration of this erudite former foreign minister's reputation has not evoked much sympathy within his own party. The allegations against Natwar Singh were damaging enough to make his position as foreign minister untenable. However, while the Pathak enquiry potters on, there is also a presumption of innocence in his favour. Natwar Singh can be justified in thinking that to be abandoned by the Congress party well before the enquiry has reached its conclusion is a shoddy return in exchange for a lifetime of loyalty.

There are many within the Congress party gloating today at his plight. In the ruthlessly cut-throat world of politics, a rival's misfortune translates into another's gain. However, the loyalists who are joyously watching Natwar's discomfort should know that if the mood in 10 Janpath should turn against themselves in the future on account of any lapse, they too may be banished from the party's inner circle. Therein, lies a cautionary tale.

Most of the inner coterie of Congressmen share common traits. They have long years ago pledged an oath of allegiance to the Gandhi family and lack any convincing electoral base. As leaders without a constituency, they are usually found reclining in the upper house or "serving the party" in some other administrative capacity. Completely reliant on the patronage of the high command for political survival, their condition bears resemblance to medieval courtiers dependent on a capricious ruler.

An observation by Ralph Singh, the failed politician narrator in The Mimic Men is pertinent to the loyalist courtiers. Says this Naipaulian protagonist: "Most of us were too timid...or too ignorant; we measured both our opportunities and our needs by the dreams of our previous nonentity."

It is a zero-sum game for the loyalist. When the going is good, he is granted an audience with the leader. Access confers status and enhances prestige. Such is the power of patronage. But when the tide turns, all is lost. The true tragedy of the loyalist is that there is no constituency to rescue him.

This devotional exercise entails an enormous surrender of pride. Most consider their situation and choose the pragmatic route by obliging. Very few have refused this pact and walked away like Sharad Pawar. The renegade Pawar could take a bold initiative because he had strong electoral support in Maharashtra to rely on. Even so, his political survival today is a tribute to his skills and self-confidence.

It is worrying that almost all the key decisions are taken by the Congress high command without any formal involvement by the party. No consultative process with the party is deemed necessary it seems. Indeed, it appears that the role of the party is limited to being told about decisions as a cursory afterthought. Keeping in line with the party's tradition and history, the obsequious loyalists remain silent.

So when that rare moment arrives when a Congressman speaks his own mind, such as Kapil Sibal did the other day on reservations, it is a welcome deviation! Ideally, the relationship between a leader and the party should be one of equality and mutual respect far removed from the primitive characterisation of monarch and courtiers. And a fully functional internal democratic structure is just as important. On both fronts, the Congress party has much room for improvement.

Rishabh Bhandari is a lawyer at a global law firm in London. These are his personal views.first published:May 01, 2006, 11:10 ISTlast updated:May 01, 2006, 11:10 IST
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Natwar Singh cuts a sorry figure these days. While he is convinced that the enquiry chaired by Justice Pathak will absolve him of any mala fide dealings alleged in the Volcker report, in the meantime he is fated to endure an agonizing wait. Out of grace and favour with the Congress high command and shunned by his party, it is a supremely inglorious twist to what by any standards has been a very successful career.

After more than three decades of service to the cause of Indian diplomacy and equal loyalty to the Congress party, the public defenestration of this erudite former foreign minister's reputation has not evoked much sympathy within his own party. The allegations against Natwar Singh were damaging enough to make his position as foreign minister untenable. However, while the Pathak enquiry potters on, there is also a presumption of innocence in his favour. Natwar Singh can be justified in thinking that to be abandoned by the Congress party well before the enquiry has reached its conclusion is a shoddy return in exchange for a lifetime of loyalty.

There are many within the Congress party gloating today at his plight. In the ruthlessly cut-throat world of politics, a rival's misfortune translates into another's gain. However, the loyalists who are joyously watching Natwar's discomfort should know that if the mood in 10 Janpath should turn against themselves in the future on account of any lapse, they too may be banished from the party's inner circle. Therein, lies a cautionary tale.

Most of the inner coterie of Congressmen share common traits. They have long years ago pledged an oath of allegiance to the Gandhi family and lack any convincing electoral base. As leaders without a constituency, they are usually found reclining in the upper house or "serving the party" in some other administrative capacity. Completely reliant on the patronage of the high command for political survival, their condition bears resemblance to medieval courtiers dependent on a capricious ruler.

An observation by Ralph Singh, the failed politician narrator in The Mimic Men is pertinent to the loyalist courtiers. Says this Naipaulian protagonist: "Most of us were too timid...or too ignorant; we measured both our opportunities and our needs by the dreams of our previous nonentity."

It is a zero-sum game for the loyalist. When the going is good, he is granted an audience with the leader. Access confers status and enhances prestige. Such is the power of patronage. But when the tide turns, all is lost. The true tragedy of the loyalist is that there is no constituency to rescue him.

This devotional exercise entails an enormous surrender of pride. Most consider their situation and choose the pragmatic route by obliging. Very few have refused this pact and walked away like Sharad Pawar. The renegade Pawar could take a bold initiative because he had strong electoral support in Maharashtra to rely on. Even so, his political survival today is a tribute to his skills and self-confidence.

It is worrying that almost all the key decisions are taken by the Congress high command without any formal involvement by the party. No consultative process with the party is deemed necessary it seems. Indeed, it appears that the role of the party is limited to being told about decisions as a cursory afterthought. Keeping in line with the party's tradition and history, the obsequious loyalists remain silent.

So when that rare moment arrives when a Congressman speaks his own mind, such as Kapil Sibal did the other day on reservations, it is a welcome deviation! Ideally, the relationship between a leader and the party should be one of equality and mutual respect far removed from the primitive characterisation of monarch and courtiers. And a fully functional internal democratic structure is just as important. On both fronts, the Congress party has much room for improvement.

Rishabh Bhandari is a lawyer at a global law firm in London. These are his personal views.

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