Addressing members of the American Embassy in New Delhi on July 28, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who was on a two-day visit to New Delhi, stated, “One of the most consequential relationships we have with any country on Earth (is with India) … none of the really big challenges that we face as a country … not a single one of these challenges can be met without the United States and India working closely together… (over the last 25 years our relationship) … has grown stronger and deeper across successive administrations, Republican and Democrat, because I think there is a recognition that it’s profoundly in the national interest”.
The visiting dignitary has dealt with the India file for a long time in various capacities and knew what he was saying. He first visited India 40 years ago with his family. In fact, one cannot recall too many instances of lead cabinet members in an American administration being so knowledgeable about India as the current one is, starting with President Biden himself.
The relationship is being propelled by a broad convergence of interests—economic, political, defence and strategic. Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar was bang-on in noting that the ties today “cover virtually all domains of contemporary relevance”. It would not be hyperbole to suggest that the two nations have successfully transitioned from estranged democracies (as Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott famously remarked) to engaged strategic and global partners.
With no other country does India have over 60 dialogue mechanisms at practically all levels. The current US administration has been in office for about six months. Already, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Biden have spoken numerous times and participated in summits of the Quad, G7 and Climate Leaders (all virtual). They are likely to meet in person during the forthcoming Quad Summit (an important agenda item of discussion between the foreign ministers) and quite likely at a bilateral summit, this year. Secretary Blinken and EAM Jaishankar have met four times, including during the latter’s visit to Washington last May. Such a robust engagement is a new phenomenon.
Blinken called on Prime Minister Modi, met National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and held in-depth discussions with his counterpart which covered matters like the Afghanistan situation, Pakistan, Myanmar, regional security, COVID vaccine, climate change, bilateral ties including trade, investment, innovation, defence, mobility and travel restrictions, human rights and freedom of religion and India’s Presidency of UN Security Council in August.
On Human Rights and Freedoms
Blinken started his engagements with a breakfast meeting with carefully selected members of the civil society that included Ngodup Dongchung, a representative of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). “We believe that all people deserve to have a voice in their government and be treated with respect no matter who they are … At a time of rising global threats to democracy and international freedoms—we talk about a democratic recession— it’s vital that we, two world leading democracies, continue to stand together in support of these ideals,” he remarked.
Earlier, on July 23, in response to a question, Acting Assistant Secretary of State Dean Thompson had said, “With respect to the human rights and democracy question, yes, you’re right; … we will raise it…” Sections of public opinion in India get all riled up by the very mention of these aspects. But why? Why should anything be off the table? As the largest democracy we should certainly be open to discussing these aspects with a friend and fellow democracy, to share and imbibe best practices.
Both in the US and India, it is rather difficult to hide anything. Again, just as in the US people from diverse religious, ethnic and social backgrounds live and function in harmony. This is not to say that everything is perfect. Of course, there are aberrations, except that such incidents are precisely that—aberrations. I would wager that if 1.35 billion people were to be living in paradise, untoward incidents would occur there too. Would it make it any less a paradise?
We have no reason to feel bashful, aggrieved or defensive. Given that over four million people of Indian origin live in the US, we too have an interest in knowing about the US administration’s efforts to prevent hate crimes, police brutalities and misuse of firearms.
That said, there is the larger issue of what constitutes freedom of expression. Second, can and should any nation appoint itself as the arbiter? Third, does one size fit all? Should developing nations, with their unique set of challenges—social, economic and security related—determine their own yardstick or be obliged to follow the so-called western model?
To be candid, the US (and the European Union) does not always adhere to the universally accepted practice of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Why so? The simple answer is because it can! The US enacts domestic laws, and contrary to international norms, imposes them on friends and partners. Sanctions on Iran and Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) are cases in point.
CAATSA, which was legislated near unanimously by the US Congress in August 2017, inter alia obliges the American President to impose sanctions on a country that imports Russian arms. These measures against Iran and Russia have been a complicating factor in India-US ties.
How US Reads Quad
India and the United States “are moving towards a partnership that increasingly has some of the characteristics of an alliance but without the commitment to defence that is the heart of any alliance,” avers Shivshankar Menon, former NSA, in his book ‘India and Asian Geopolitics’. Furthermore, with reference to the Trump regime, Menon adds, “India’s rise is not seen as a strategic interest.”
During his eight years in office till 2009, President Bush had injected a commitment to ties with India which was not visible during the Trump and for that matter even Obama regime. It is still too early to form a conclusive view about the current administration. Yet there are straws in the wind.
“What the Quad is not – is a military alliance,” stated Blinken at his joint media appearance with EAM as also in response to Zakka Jacob’s pointed question during an interview with CNN News18. He went on to assert that Quad nations shared a vision – “of a free, open, secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific … a rules-based international order … dealing effectively with COVID-19, climate agenda, emerging technologies … vitally important issues … including infrastructure, supply chains, maritime security”.
This stance is ingenious to put it mildly, contrary to that of the Trump regime, and is neither here nor there. Even EAM Jaishankar noted that – “Under the aegis of the Quad framework, we are engaged on maritime security, HADR counterterrorism …”
The raison d’être of Quad was certainly not to deal with matters like climate change, emerging technologies or infrastructure development. These are add-ons. Without doubt it was and is the response of like-minded democratic countries to blatant Chinese aggression and expansionism. Unless the US plans to enforce a free and open Indo-pacific region, rule of law or maritime security through ‘Satyagraha’ (Gandhian approach of passive political resistance) or verbal salvos, there is no doubt that Quad is essentially a security grouping, to restrain China.
It is instructive that during the lengthy briefing of Dean Thompson the ‘C’ word was not uttered even once by anybody. Biden administration’s stance towards China is still evolving. Plans are afoot to schedule a meeting between Biden and President Xi Jinping. It is evident that Washington wants to have a working relationship with Beijing. In a meeting with Foreign Minister Wang Yi this week, US Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman underscored that the US welcomed stiff competition with China but did not seek conflict. She emphasised the importance of cooperation on issues like climate crisis, counternarcotics, North Korea and Iran.
Given her significant and growing security challenges, India cannot go it alone. She has two choices. Either accept the paramountcy of China and play second fiddle, or double down on efforts to deepen an all-round partnership with the US. Neither option is cost free. For 70 years, we have tried to engage China and seen the results. It is time to shift gears decisively. With the US at least one knows what to expect and what not to. Notwithstanding its transactional approach, the US too needs India. Besides, we have multiple channels and levers to find our way around in Washington.
The author is Former Envoy to South Korea and Canada and Official Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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